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The Cali Cartel: Lessons in Crime and Civic Pride

 

The new generation of Colombian drug thugs seems to have abandoned a commitment to civic responsibility pioneered by their forefathers in crime – the Cali cartel.

Recent news accounts reveal that Cali today is the most violent city in Colombia with a staggering murder rate of nearly 76 per 100,000 residents. Blame it on turf fights between small and medium-sized drug gangs, the scattered remnants of the dismantled cartel, says the website Colombia Reports.

How times have changed.

The four godfathers of the old Cali cartel were just as ruthless as the next drug lord, but they saw business value in keeping their neighborhoods crime-free. As disclosed in the pages of At the Devil’s Table, the so-called gentlemen of Cali went so far as to ban mob killings anywhere within the city limits without their prior and unanimous consent.

For years, such killings were rare. In one incident, however, a cartel lieutenant in a jealous rage shot and killed a man who danced with his girl friend. Police never charged him, but the bosses threatened to impose capital punishment. In a brief private hearing, the man apologized profusely for risking embarrassment to the godfathers and, after begging for his life, he was spared from his own out-of-town execution.

The cartel bosses’ reputations as good citizens – enhanced, of course, with generous bribes – led to friends in high places throughout their community: at city hall, the regional prosecutor’s office, the police and at public utilities like the phone company. Local support helped make them giants of international organized crime.

Cali’s new drug gangsters are clearly a menace to themselves and others, but they are not giants. And they are unlikely to accumulate political clout once held by their far more disciplined…and more dangerous…forefathers.

 

 

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Dire Results of a Drug War Victory

 

21-ton Cocaine Bust 1989/ Kevork Djansezian / AP Photo

In the U.S. drug war, even successes can have dangerous down sides. My commentary today in the Los Angeles Times describes one of those successes: the 1989 seizure of more than 21 tons of cocaine in a Southern California warehouse. It remains the single biggest cocaine bust in history.

That law enforcement coup led to high-level arrests, compromised smuggling routes and it cost Colombian and Mexican drug bosses billions in lost profits. However, it also had unexpected consequences. Most significantly, it changed the business model for traffickers. Mexican drug gangs that now control the U.S. cocaine market can trace their lucrative rise to power to that very same massive drug bust.

The game-changing series of events began as a pay dispute between Mexican smugglers and Colombian cartel bosses. In the end, Cali and Medellin crime bosses stepped aside, ceding the U.S. cocaine market to Mexican cartels. The frustrating result, years after the record-setting drug seizure, is still bigger, richer and more dangerous organized crime operations on our border.

Read all about it HERE.

 

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Drug Corruption: Jorge’s Rare Inside View

 

More from recent CNN.com opinion pieces…

By Jorge Salcedo, “the insider who brought down the Cali cartel”

Drug cartels cannot function without massive assistance from compromised officials at all levels. Corruption is the oxygen that keeps organized crime alive. I know something about corruption and organized crime. I spent more than six years in the biggest, richest syndicate in the history of crime — the Cali cartel. Mexico, like Colombia, can’t succeed against its drug gangs without choking off the bribery and intimidation that sustain them.

In the cartel, others were more directly involved in routine bribery. Still, I managed to deliver nearly a million dollars in payoffs. And I witnessed many, many millions more. Maybe my experience helps show the importance of fighting corruption as a way to fight the cartels.

I used to be Jorge Salcedo. I left my name in Colombia when I entered the U.S. witness protection program 16 years ago.

SEE FULL STORY: CNN.com Opinion

 

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Extradition: A Colombian Lesson for Mexico?

 

From my recent CNN.com opinion piece…

Gruesome accounts of violence in Mexico have obscured one notable bright spot in Latin America’s struggle with powerful drug gangs. In Colombia, once home to the world’s biggest cocaine cartels, new crime organizations are being picked apart with silent efficiency — aided by Bogota’s enthusiastic embrace of extradition.

In recent years, more than 1,300 of Colombia’s top crime bosses and their most dangerous enforcers have been sent north to face trafficking charges in the United States, a dramatic turnabout from the 1990s when extradition was outlawed under coercive pressure from the Medellin and Cali cartels.

The beauty of extradition is not its power to stop drug smuggling. There is scant evidence it has had much direct effect in that regard. But it continues to splinter the leadership of trafficking gangs, keeping them in a perpetual state of rebuilding. In short, extradition disorganizes organized crime.

SEE FULL STORY: CNN.com Opinion

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Crime Pays…in Tourism for Vegas, Medellin

 

(Updated: February 11, 2012)

Colombian drug lords and American mobsters are about to have something more in common than lives of crime – their very own tourist attractions.

Capone

Next week, Las Vegas is scheduled to open a $42-million Mob Museum highlighting the gambling Mecca’s gangster past. It will come complete with a bullet-scarred wall from the Chicago warehouse where Al Capone’s gang committed the notorious St. Valentine’s Day massacre more than 80 years ago.

 

In Medellin, hometown of the late Colombian crime boss Pablo Escobar, at least two separate travel agencies this year are offering Escobar tours. Among the sights are Escobar’s grave and an apartment building where he was gunned down on the rooftop by national police.

Escobar

And last week, developers disclosed plans to build a 6-star hotel and resort on a section of Escobar’s one-time country estate, Hacienda Napoles. The crime boss’s favorite hideaway, about 2.5-hours drive from Medellin, has already been turned into a series of tourist parks.  This hotel will be the fifth added to the sprawling property since Escobar’s compound and grounds were confiscated nearly two decades ago by Colombian authorities.

The 7,400-acre estate had become something of an international curiosity when Escobar first stocked it with exotic animals: elephants, lions, zebras and a rapidly propagating herd of hippopotamuses. And before he became the world’s most wanted outlaw, Escobar entertained openly and lavishly at the estate.

One site not far from Hacienda Napoles probably won’t make many tourist maps despite the fact that it represents one of the most intriguing, if little-known, episodes of Colombia’s cartel war years.

Hacienda Napoles, circa 1990

The setting was 1989, a time in Colombia that was much like today in Mexico with rival trafficking gangs vying to massacre and terrorize each other. Cali crime bosses secretly hired a team of British mercenaries to storm Escobar’s country retreat. A dozen heavily armed commandos, promised up to $5 million, were engaged to kill Pablo.

How close did they come?

The assault was launched from a jungle training camp in southwestern Colombia aboard two overloaded helicopters, but as they swooped down into the Magdalena River valley, one aircraft clipped a mountain ridge and crashed. The pilot was killed and the British team leader injured.

Wreckage in Plot to Kill Pablo

Little more than five minutes flying time from their objective, the commandos were forced to abort their mission.

Today, somewhere on the steep, wooded slopes of Cuchilla del Tigre (Tiger Ridge), the remnants of that helicopter still await discovery – presumably by the most intrepid of tourists. For those interested enough to try making the climb, versions of the story behind the ill-fated raid are featured in the new book, “At the Devil’s Table,” and described in memoirs by two of the Brits: “Dirty Combat” and “No Mean Soldier.”

Official response to the surge in gangster tour business varies.

Madelene Torres, Medellin’s deputy secretary of tourism, told the Wall Street Journal there was fear that the tours “would promote the very thing we’re trying to move away from – the connection people so often make between Colombia and cocaine.” But Medellin Secretary of Culture Luis Miguel Usuga told Colombia Reports that the tours also show “crime does not pay” and that the city “has managed to transform itself.”

Mobster Tony Spilotro with Oscar Goodman

In Las Vegas, on the other hand, Mayor Oscar Goodman led a campaign through much of his three terms in office promoting the idea of a mob museum. Some in town wanted “to hang me,” he told the Los Angeles Times.

Mayor Oscar Goodman

But the former defense lawyer for several prominent gangsters has always relished the city’s notorious past and shows no interest in changing its image – or his own. As the mayor once explained:

“I knock on doors, and little old ladies … say, ‘Hey, it’s the mafia lawyer! Come on in and have some cookies and milk!’ I love it!”

 

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A Mexican Crime Lord’s Christmas Nightmare

 

Mexican authorities have landed a potential prize in their campaign against organized crime, capturing a security chief for the richest and most powerful drug cartel in the country.

Felipe Cabrera, alias “The Engineer,” is a key insider described as the top security man of fugitive Sinaloa drug boss Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman. Cabrera was arrested Friday and marched before cameras in a bullet-proof vest this morning, escorted by masked and heavily armed military guards.

Whether or not Cabrera ends up cooperating with Mexican officials, there can be no doubt that – at least for the Sinaloa gang – this is an alarming development. Cabrera knows too much. The man who last week was the Sinaloa cartel’s security chief is suddenly its biggest security risk.

Also seized along with Cabrera were computers and other potential drug trafficking evidence, a potential investigative treasure trove reminiscent of another law enforcement coup involving another cartel security boss more than a decade ago in Colombia.

In 1995, the Cali drug cartel was the biggest, richest crime syndicate in the history of crime. It had helped the Bogota government knock off Pablo Escobar, its most dangerous rival, and Cali bosses were pulling in more than $7 billion a year. One day, the bosses ordered their security chief to help murder the cartel’s top accountant who was no longer trusted. Murder has long been the method of choice to protect the cartels’ deepest secrets.

So, it was at grave personal risk that Cali security chief Jorge Salcedo defied his orders to kill and instead turned to U.S. drug enforcement agents. Rather than arrange for a murder, he saved the account’s life. Vengeful Cali bosses immediately tried to find Salcedo, offering a $2-million reward for his whereabouts.

How Salcedo escaped is the heart of “At the Devil’s Table: The Untold Story of the Insider Who Brought Down the Cali Cartel.” The recently published book may also hold clues to what sort of damage a cooperative Cabrera could inflict on Mexican crime lords.

Salcedo’s cooperation with U.S. drug enforcement agents in the 1990s led to his boss’s capture and arrest, the discovery of vast amounts of cartel bribery evidence that forced crooked police and politicians from office, and investigative leads that helped authorities track cartel assets around the world and to recover billions of dollars in drug profits.

For El Chapo, such prospects have got to be the stuff of post-Christmas nightmares.

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Noriega: Lived by Bribe; Burned by Bribe

 

UPDATED: December 11, 2011 @ 8:44 p.m.

Former Panama dictator Manuel Noriega is home tonight after nearly 22 years in U.S. and French custody. But his view hasn’t changed much. Immediately upon landing in Panama City he was whisked off to another cell — this one at El Renacer prison — to start serving a term of up to 60 years for corruption and murder conspiracy convictions. The 77-year-old Noriega had petitioned French authorities to extradite him, saying he wanted to go home “to prove my innocence.”

If Noriega is allowed to reopen his case, one prominent Panamanian defense attorney he is unlikely to hire is Tulane-trained former ambassador Ricardo Bilonick. In many ways, Bilonick might seem a perfect choice. The two men were once friends and business associates. They both profited from drug trafficking. Bilonick did his own brief stint in a U.S. federal prison during the 1990s on trafficking charges. And today, back practicing law in Panama, Bilonick has represented other accused trafficking clients.

But what no doubt has soured their relationship was Bilonick’s 1992 testimony against Noriega in a Miami federal court — testimony that may have saved the U.S. Justice Department’s faltering drug case against the dictator. As highlighted in our August 12 post, that was testimony bought and paid for by the godfathers of Colombia’s Cali cocaine cartel.

Previously unpublished details of the long-secret transaction are described in the book: At the Devil’s Table — the Untold Story of the Insider Who Brought Down the Cali Cartel.

Excerpts from August 12 post with highlights from the book:

Remember, this was a criminal case that followed the U.S. military invasion of Panama in 1989. Noriega was seized and charged with drug violations — but the prosecution was no slam-dunk. New details from a cartel insider confirm that Colombian drug lords secretly helped unwitting Justice Department officials bolster their case.

Months before the politically sensitive trial opened in Miami, cartel bosses in Cali arranged for (Bilonick) to surrender and cooperate with the Americans, a stunning break at the time for the government case. But what U.S. officials didn’t know until years later was that their star witness only came forward after the drug cartel promised him $1.25 million.

It all started as an act of brotherly concern. Jose “Chepe” Santacruz Londono, one of the four Cali cartel godfathers, was desperate to help his recently imprisoned brother Lucho Santacruz Echeverri. Lucho faced a 23-year prison term after a trafficking conviction in Florida, and brother Chepe wanted to find a way to reduce that sentence.

Bilonick’s business interests took a hit when Noriega fell. He was broke and on the run. His defunct air cargo company had moved tons of Colombian cocaine through Panama and paid millions of dollars in protection money to the dictator. It was  obvious that U.S. authorities wanted Noriega more than they wanted Bilonick. But if the Panamanian attorney/businessman was going to testify against Noriega, he could help Chepe and his brother even as Bilonick helped himself.

A Cali cartel emissary advised Bilonick to surrender through a lawyer for the Colombian. That emissary, a cartel chief of security named Jorge Salcedo, said the gentlemen of Cali would be very grateful. Bilonick asked for $2 million. They eventually settled on $1.25 million, delivered in installments.

Salcedo first delivered a black leather briefcase stuffed with U.S. currency totaling $250,000. It was the cartel’s down payment. But the key to the deal was a $1 million in certificates of deposit that would not mature for several months. In the meantime, they were placed in a safe deposit box at the Banco Vizcaya where access required two keys – one held by Bilonick’s wife, the other by the cartel’s Salcedo. The certificates would remain locked in the vault unless or until the Cali bosses were satisfied with Bilonick’s performance on the witness stand.

Months later, Noriega was convicted. Lucho’s prison sentence was trimmed by nine years. Bilonick received a reduced sentence for cooperating. And Salcedo returned to Panama with his key. The now-matured million-dollar certificates of deposit were handed over to Bilonick’s wife.

Salcedo later turned against the Cali cartel and entered the U.S. witness protection program. Disclosure of his role in the Noriega case prompted a motion to reverse Noriega’s conviction. It was rejected. At the time, Bilonick called bribe allegations “idiotic.” He declined to be interviewed about Salcedo’s account. Bilonick has resumed a legal career in Panama. According to numerous published reports, his clients include an accused drug lord from Mexico’s Sinaloa cartel.

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Crime Bosses of Cali Cartel: Big, Bad and Obscure

 

Killing Pablo Escobar in 1993 ended the Medellin drug gang’s reign of crime  and terror, but it did not cure Colombia’s reputation as a haven for narco-traffickers. Pablo’s successors, the new “kings of cocaine,” were also Colombians – the equally ruthless but surprisingly unknown drug lords of the Cali cartel.

Through the 1990s, they built the biggest, richest crime syndicate in the history of crime. They became billionaires. Their bribes bought much of the Colombian government. But unlike Pablo, a rock star of the criminal class, Cali bosses were never on a first-name basis with fame. No one wrote ballads romanticizing their exploits.

Until recently few people outside of Colombia knew much about them, not even that there were four godfathers running the Cali cartel. They operated less like a committee and more like a four-headed CEO. All major cartel decisions required consensus, whether authorizing large bribes, buying a new computer, or sanctioning a murder. They rarely disagreed amongst themselves…and never in front of anyone else.

At the Devil’s Table: The Untold Story of the Insider Who Brought Down the Cali Cartel” – about the cartel’s former chief of security Jorge Salcedo – offers unprecedented glimpses of the elusive crime bosses. This is a sampling:

Top: Gilberto and Miguel Rodriguez; Bottom: Jose "Chepe" Santacruz and Helmer "Pacho" Herrera

 

Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela –

A micromanaging workaholic plagued with migraines

He handled daily management chores for the executive team and seemed to relish long days and late nights. Nonetheless, a grueling daily schedule of 200 phone calls and 50 meetings often made him irritable. He was also hypoglycemic and prone to migraines.

Miguel fingerprinted after arrest in August 1995

Behind his back, he was nicknamed “Lemon” for his sour disposition. In a rare display of happiness, he wept for joy when Pablo Escobar was killed.

Book Excerpt: Miguel “was not a patient man by nature. He could be plunged into a foul mood by any number of annoyances, then turn around and take out his frustrations on the first unsuspecting aide who crossed his path.” (Page 171)

 

 

 

Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela —

A charming raconteur and clever tactician known as The Chess Player

He had the harmless appearance of a well-fed university professor and was the cartel’s friendly front man with politicians and the media. His charm offensives were legendary, but his money also talked. He was a true believer that money could buy anyone. On major cartel projects, the other bosses – including younger brother Miguel – typically deferred to his unspoken authority.

Gilberto 1995

Gilberto fingerprinted after his arrest in June 1995

He was once caught up in a police raid at a house party but escaped after posing as a vomiting drunk and urinating on an indignant military guard. He was summarily ejected…to safety. Threats to his family brought out his more ruthless side.

Book Excerpt: “Gilberto jumped to his feet… “Get me a fork!” the drug boss bellowed. “I’ll take out the goddamn liar’s eyeballs myself.” (Page 86)

 

 

 

Jose “Chepe” Santacruz Londoño –

A prankster who could be deadly serious

He often dressed in the work clothes of a simple farmer and sometimes seemed a bit of a bumbler when it came to business matters. His adolescent pranks could test everyone’s patience. But he was the wrong man to underestimate …or to threaten. When a Spanish-language journalist in New York wrote bad things about him, Chepe sent killers to gun down the man at a restaurant in Queens.

Chepe Santacruz

Chepe Santacruz

When a Cali country club refused him a membership, Chepe ordered an exact replica of its clubhouse built on his own property.

Book Excerpt: “He seemed jovial and self-deprecating, even a bit mischievous. But he sometimes took his penchant for teasing too far… Chepe was proudly unsophisticated. He also was a street fighter. And in brawls, as in practical jokes, overkill was his trademark.” (Page 10)

 

 

 

Hélmer “Pacho” Herrera –

Gay and a gangster

He was the youngest and most physically fit of the four godfathers, unmarried, and openly homosexual. He also fit certain gay stereotypes. He was noted for a wardrobe of fashionable sportswear and for stylishly decorated homes.  Pacho had the empathetic manner of a priest, but he also ran the cartel’s most brutal wing of hired guns (called sicarios). His greatest passion, however, was soccer. He built professional-quality fields with stadium lighting for his own personal use.

Pacho Herrera 1996

Pacho after his surrender in 1996

Book Excerpt: “Pacho’s security detail was made up entirely of sicarios… They looked and acted differently than other cartel security operatives. They wore jewelry, drove big fast motorcycles, and stood out in any crowd. They were flashy thugs and made no effort to soften their gangster image. ‘I’m just glad they’re on our side,’ Jorge said.” (Page 60)

 

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Pablo Escobar: Poet-thug of Colombia?

 

Long after his death in 1993, Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar remains a subject of public fascination and a bizarre sort of hero-worship.

Mark Bowden’s best-selling book, “Killing Pablo,” is still popular around the world more than 10 years after it was published.

But what’s especially striking is that on any given day it’s possible to find young men taking to their Twitter accounts claiming to be simpatico with the once-feared outlaw. Throughout the summer I’ve noticed repeated examples of writers from both genders Tweeting their favorite Escobar quotes, as if the crime boss is seen as a Colombian philosopher or as its poet-thug.

His largely discredited “Robin Hood” image grew out of assistance that he provided to the poor of Medellin early in his rise to drug world dominance. Pablo was definitely a job creator. It was from the slums of Medellin that he recruited most of his hired killers.

Pablo Escobar terrorized Colombia. Other drug bosses feared and loathed him.

He arranged for bombings that killed innocent bystanders – a commercial jetliner en route to Cali, a government building in rush-hour Bogota, and a number of retail stores owned by another cartel family. He ordered political assassinations, the murders of police officers and judges and more than one massacre of business rivals.

Here are some Pablo quotes, along with notable and contrary sentiments expressed by Escobar foes, three rival godfathers of the Cali cartel.


“I’m a decent man who exports flowers.” — Pablo Escobar*

Pablo is “a bandit…a criminal…a crazy guy…No one is safe.” — Jose “Chepe” Santacruz Londono

# #

“Sometimes I feel like God…when I order someone killed – they die the same day.” — Pablo Escobar*

“Sometimes, Pablo ignores his own best interests. He goes to war and expects to win friends. He’s a fool — a dangerous fool.” — Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela

 # #

“I prefer to be in the grave in Colombia than in a jail cell in the United States.” — Pablo Escobar*

“We want Pablo Escobar dead.” — Miguel Rodriguez Orejuela

 # #

* Note: Cali cartel quotes taken from  “At the Devil’s Table.”  Pablo’s quotes from interviews with Colombian journalist Elizabeth Mora-Mass  and published in “Lovers and Other Monsters – Pablo Escobar Gaviria” by Juliet Paez-Parada.

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Gov. Rick Perry: Drugs, Thugs and…U.S. Troops?

 

Texas Governor Rick Perry on the campaign trail for the Republican presidential nomination wants U.S. troops to support Mexico’s war on drugs…because, he says, it worked so well in Colombia.

It did? That should surprise Colombia – and the Pentagon.

Colombia definitely needed help back in the 1980s and ’90s when organized crime giants had the country by its throat.  Pablo Escobar’s Medellin cartel practiced indiscriminate violence, a brand of terror all too familiar in Mexico today. The Cali cartel used its billions in annual drug profits to buy off the Bogota government. Cartel lawyers literally rewrote Colombia’s constitution in 1991.

No doubt about it, South America’s oldest democracy needed to be saved. And a lot of Americans came to its rescue.

Presidents George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton poured in money and surveillance technology. The CIA put agents on the ground. So did the U.S. Customs Service, DEA, ATF, and the Department of Justice whose investigators methodically traced, tracked and built criminal cases against one cartel kingpin after another.

But notice what’s missing from that list. U.S. troops never engaged Colombian drug cartels. They played no meaningful role in stalking or fighting or capturing cartel crime bosses. Perry got that wrong.

But the governor was at least accidentally right to remember Colombia. Its historic success against the biggest and richest crime syndicates in the world remains a classic example of effective U.S. cooperation. And the American military had nothing to do with it.

Organized crime was finally driven from power in Colombia with major contributions from U.S. law enforcement. Hundreds of millions of dollars in foreign aid also gave the White House more political clout than the drug lords – clout the Clinton administration used to pressure Bogota leaders to stop protecting generous drug lords.

Washington’s financial, political and investigative assistance was decisive, but it was Colombians – daring, resourceful, and incorruptible Colombians – who finally took back their own country. A similar formula of cooperation is required today in Mexico.

As the Texas governor accidentally suggests: Remember Colombia.

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