The Marcos Diary

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The Marcos Diary fact-checks the past and tracks the continuing political legacy of the dictatorial Marcos regime ruled by Ferdinand and his lavishly spending wife, Imelda.

Marcos Hero? Ask Dictator’s Diary


NEWS ITEM: Should a long-dead dictator with a record of civil rights abuses get heroic honors? That’s the emotional debate dividing the Philippines this week. The body of former strongman Ferdinand Marcos has been kept in a crypt for nearly 30 years while his family demands a hero’s burial

FM no hero
Protesters leave no doubt in the summer of 2016: Ferdinand Marcos deserves no hero’s burial.


Flash Back to Summer 1972

President Ferdinand Marcos felt pretty good about himself. He was indispensable to Washington. The Nixon Administration needed access to Philippine military bases to support its war in Vietnam.

But at home Marcos was frustrated. He wanted a third term in the presidential palace but the constitutional limit was two. He had hoped congress would make an exception, but the political opposition was in control. He had lobbied constitutional convention delegates to change the rules, but wife Imelda’s companion bribery campaign had blown up in scandal.

His favorability ratings were terrible.

Privately, he contemplated a radical step — martial law and suspension of civil rights. Dictatorship had always intrigued Marcos. He mused about it in his diary after winning reelection in 1969. And he claimed to be getting divine encouragement.

Finally, giving in to God’s will that he step up and save the Philippines, the messianic Marcos put in motion his elaborate scheme.

First, he met secretly with members of his Supreme Court to clarify that he would tolerate no legal challenges.He orchestrated a fake ambush of his defense minister.

A special team of military loyalists arrested his most popular political rival – Senator Benigno Aquino, the man almost certain to replace him in the next open election.

That same night his police and military rounded up dozens (and ultimately hundreds) of prominent Marcos critics in congress and the media, as well as liberal priests and student activists.

Only then, as the city slept, were all independent media outlets seized and padlocked.

Manila woke up in the firm grip of a Marcos-controlled military. All voices of opposition and independent criticism were in jail, closed down or coerced into timidity. He had made free speech a crime.

Overnight political debate ceased. Democracy ceased. Silenced criticism left the illusion of Marcos popularity. A delusional dictator treated that fiction as fact. Marcos took credit for restoring law and order in Manila, writing in his diary:

September 25, 1972: “I am some kind of hero.”


BELOW: Filipinos previously dealt harshly with the deposed dictator’s heroic image

Biographer William Rempel visits tourist site circa 1991
Author William Rempel reporting in the Philippines, circa 1991
Later, destructive signs of public resentment
Later, destructive signs of public resentment toward Marcos image







The Marcos Years: Sex, Spies, Lies and Delusions

Previously published on, April 15, 2013

The Marcos Diary: At the Heart of a Dictator

It was nearly 25 years ago that I got my first look at the diary of Ferdinand Marcos. I was an investigative reporter with the Los Angeles Times when about 3,000 pages of diary and other presidential papers were delivered to me in installments – on street corners, at a restaurant, in the lobby of an office building – all very cloak-and-dagger.

The documents were a journalist’s gold mine. I found bribery receipts and coded accounting reports recording official corruption. There were poems and love notes to First Lady Imelda and the Marcos children interspersed among Ferdinand’s plans for repression and dictatorship.

FM DIARY 03Ap71The diary itself contained the president’s private musings about power and his messianic calling to “save the Philippines” from an exaggerated threat of communist insurgency. Here, too, was compelling evidence of Marcos plots against political rivals, the press, and anyone who dared to criticize his administration.

But what caught me most by surprise were the lies – blatant, bald-faced, and occasionally comical. It turns out that while Ferdinand Marcos was lying to the world and to the Philippine people, he was also lying to his own diary.

As a writer trying to assess the news value and historic significance of the president’s journal I had to ask myself: what can be learned from a diary riddled with falsehoods and self-serving fictions?

Time has helped clarify the answer. Today I can see that his lies actually reveal a greater truth: Marcos was a dictator at heart long before he was a dictator at gunpoint.

In 1970, after the Manila Times criticized harsh police actions against anti-Marcos demonstrators, the president grumbled in his diary that the newspaper’s editorials amounted to support for “revolution and the communist cause.” He summoned a group of prominent business leaders to Malacañang.

“I asked (them) to withdraw advertisements from the Manila Times,” he wrote in his diary. “They agreed to do so.”

At a palace reception barely a month later, Manila Times publisher Chino Roces confronted Marcos about pressuring advertisers to drop their accounts. The president denied it.

“I had nothing whatsoever to do in suggesting the cut of advertisement,” the president wrote that night – only 36 pages after writing the opposite.

The president’s romantic affair with American actress Dovie Beams turned to public scandal that same year, prompting a torrent of denials to his diary and to Imelda. “I am being blackmailed,” Marcos wrote in his diary, calling it “a diabolical plot” that he blamed variously on his political rivals and the CIA.FM DIARY 10Nov1970SMclip

After Dovie appeared before the Manila press corps to play taped recordings of her lovemaking session with the president, Marcos still insisted in his diary that the claims were “patently false.” And to punish the United States, he told a bewildered American ambassador that Washington’s military bases agreement with the Philippines would have to be renegotiated.

When an elderly delegate to the 1972 constitutional convention made a dramatic public display of returning unspent bribe money that he said came from Imelda and other Marcos loyalists, the president raged publicly and privately. It was, he wrote in his diary, a “dastardly act to malign my family” by what he called “a tool of the opposition.”

A few days later, federal police raided the delegate’s home and claimed to find US$60,000 stashed in a bedside drawer. He and his family said police planted the cash, a suspicion shared, according to a poll, by 80 percent of the public. Still, the ailing 72-year-old was arrested.

Marcos told his diary that the bedside loot was a “lucky discovery” and that the old man’s arrest was “poetic justice.”

But years later, documents tucked in with Marcos diary pages would prove otherwise. The papers contained accounting records of a massive bribery scheme, referred to around the palace simply as the “envelope campaign.” The records helped Marcos keep track of his payoffs to some 200 convention delegates – even as he was urging prosecution of the one delegate who refused to be bought.

More than a year before he would declare martial law, Marcos tested the limits of his presidential authority in a case that came before the Philippine Supreme Court late in 1971. Amid widely disputed claims of a communist insurgency threat, Marcos wanted the court to sanction his power to declare a national emergency and suspend the constitution.

The stakes were high. Marcos feared that a closely divided panel could leave the matter muddled and undermine his authority, especially with military leaders. So, in truly Machiavellian fashion, he enlisted one of the 11 justices as a spy.

Fred Ruiz Castro, the president’s double agent on the high court, provided inside information for nearly three months. In late-night visits to the palace, recorded by Marcos in his diary, the judge shared updates on the shifting legal positions of fellow jurists and offered advice on strategies to win over the skeptics. He even conducted a mock hearing one night to prepare Marcos’s solicitor general for an appearance the next day before the full court.

When the controversial – but unanimous – ruling was finally issued, Marcos celebrated in his diary: “This is a red letter day.”

He went on to take personal credit. “The justification before the Supreme Court was prepared by me,” he wrote. He made no mention of his secret agent or the extraordinarily improper lobbying offensive that had assured unanimity.

Despite such lies – of commission and omission – I regard the Marcos diary as historic treasure. It says so much, not only about the dictator that always lurked in Ferdinand Marcos, but also about the vulnerability of democracy wherever fiction trumps the truth.


Imelda Marcos: Why Don’t You Love Me?



Updated August 19, 2015 

Imelda Marcos, the musical, found a home on the New York stage where Here Lies Love made two separate sold-out runs at the Public Theater.  Her story, set to a disco beat by David Byrne and Fatboy Slim, also found enthusiastic audiences in Australia and London. No surprise. The former First Lady of the Philippines remains an endless source of fascination to this reporter.

I first met Imelda in Hawaii when we briefly stood together over the glass-covered coffin of her dead husband.

She was tall and elegant in black. The body beside her was waxy and pale, but it was also surprisingly small – barely recognizable as the corrupt and bigger-than-life dictator, Ferdinand Marcos. Together, they reigned over the Philippines for nearly 20 years. They always made an odd couple.

She was the barefoot beauty from the provinces with royalty fantasies. She would become famous for her shoe collection and profligate spending on fine art including works by Van Gogh, expensive jewelry including a 37-carat diamond, and Manhattan real estate including the iconic Crown Building on Fifth Avenue.

He was the populist champion of Philippine democracy with a messianic complex. He would resort to bribery and vote fraud to retain power, use red-baiting and trumped-up charges to imprison his more popular political rivals, and would finally impose martial law – shutting down democracy for 13 years of dictatorial rule.

During the 1970s and 80s, Ferdinand and Imelda were partners in deceit and despotism. One Philippine biographer called the couple’s reign “a conjugal dictatorship.” They were both blamed for the never-solved assassination of leading Marcos critic and world-renowned human rights advocate Benigno (Ninoy) Aquino, Jr.

But that night in the hills of Honolulu, inches from her husband’s lifeless body, it was a time for more selective memories.

“My life was a beautiful fairy tale,” Imelda sniffled into her handkerchief. She had one hand resting on the glass cover shielding Ferdinand’s remains.

“I am sorry for your loss,” I said, searching for a meaningful question that fit the unusual circumstances for this meeting of newsman and news-maker.

The moment didn’t seem right to ask about a federal fraud and racketeering indictment pending against the couple in New York…or, about the $5 billion-plus they had looted from the Philippine treasury…or, about so many other alleged crimes against her own people. At that moment, the investigative reporter in me was too uncomfortable to push the matter.

“This must be a difficult time for you,” I finally added. She smiled silently through tearful eyes and the “interview” was over.

A year later, a federal jury of tough-minded New Yorkers also pulled their collective punch. Despite volumes of evidence documenting massive Marcos corruption, Imelda was acquitted on all felony counts. Jurors said they would have convicted Ferdinand had he lived to face trial.

“We couldn’t hold the wife responsible for the sins of her husband,” said one juror.

Today, even the Philippine nation is having a difficult time holding Imelda responsible for those painful “fairy tale” years of Marcos rule. There is talk of dropping efforts to recover the looted billions. Imelda has been acquitted of numerous graft charges (though some remain active). She ran for president unsuccessfully but has won election twice to congress. She currently serves as the congressional representative from Ilocos Norte, Ferdinand’s home province.

Two children of the couple also hold elected office. Eldest daughter Imee Marcos is the governor of Ilocos Norte and Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. (known as Bongbong), is a senator widely touted as a future presidential candidate.  If he runs, it sets up a historic plot twist suitable for Shakespeare or a soap opera — a second generation Marcos-Aquino power struggle.

Still on opposite sides politically are Ferdinand Jr. and President Benigno Aquino, III, a son and namesake of the assassinated Marcos rival. The president’s mother and widow of Ninoy, Cory Aquino, was swept into the presidency in 1986 by the popular uprising that ousted Ferdinand Sr. and Imelda. Now, Marcos loyalists can dream again of a return to the presidential palace — maybe as early as 2016 when Aquino must step down.

Could the son of Ferdinand and Imelda succeed the son of Cory and the martyred Ninoy? Clearly, no dream is too far-fetched for anyone who still regards the Marcos years with fairy tale whimsy.

The last time I encountered Imelda was during her long-running trial in a Manhattan federal court. She was usually in the company of Stetson-wearing Wyoming defense attorney Gerry Spence.

It was much easier to ask difficult questions in the halls of a courthouse than over a coffin. Nonetheless, she deflected most of my inquiries with smiles or nods to her legal team – or with non-answers.

“Why don’t you like me?” she responded more than once.

It is very nearly the same question that the stage version of Imelda asks during performances of Here Lies Love. In a scene contemplating the end of her reign as First Lady, puzzled by the public outcry over years of Marcos tyranny, the Imelda character insists — as did the real Imelda — that whatever she did was always for the good of her people.

The hauntingly delusional moment emerges on stage with the song: “Why Don’t You Love Me?” It captures the dictator’s wife just as I remember her. Like her stage double, the real Imelda never understood the outrage of her oppressed people, either.